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No—[ laughter ]. That's an unfair question. No, I know. Good tax policy, fiscal discipline in Washington, DC, fair trade policy, legal reforms, good health care policy, and job training is the best way to make sure America is a place where people can find a job. That's what you've got to figure out—how to create the environment for job growth and opportunity so people can find work.
Small-business owner, entrepreneur, and an Army veteran, went to school with the G. Bill, put all—everything I learned in the Army into work, into the business. But it breaks my heart when I see all the soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq doing fantastic things, as you mentioned when you initially came out here—they come home; they put the television on; and they just see horrible news of what's going on, a completely different perspective of what they have done during their tour of duty.
What can I do as an American citizen to show my appreciation? I tell them every single time, "Thank you for your service," whenever I see them in uniform. But what can I do to go that extra mile to show my appreciation to them? I appreciate you saying that. Look, the best thing you can do is what you're doing. And there are a lot of people like you who understand the stakes and the hard work.
Thanks for saying that. And it's really to thank people in the uniform. It really is. It's—and you can't—I can't tell you how far that goes when you take time out of your life to say, "Thank you for your service. I could be self-serving—the best thing you could do is put me in again, but it's—but, no, I appreciate that spirit. And, listen, what's going to matter in the long run is that these troops come back and realize they've made a significant contribution to this country's safety and to peace and freedom.
Let me remind you all of something, speaking about what we're doing. You know, there were a lot of skeptics after World War II as to whether or not what America was doing would work. What we were doing was trying to rebuild Germany and work for democracy in Germany. What we were doing was trying to rebuild—or help Japan rebuild herself and there be a democracy there.
After fighting these countries and after losing lives in a war against them, the United States of America—at least my predecessors—made the decision to rebuild those countries into democratic nations or at least to help them rebuild themselves. That was the decision we made. And there were a lot of skeptics. There were a lot of people who said it couldn't be done. The plans weren't working. And it took a long time, and it was hard, hard work.
You know, there were skeptics who said, "Well, the Japanese, they'll never be able to self-govern. After all, they're not Anglo-Saxon, or they're not Methodists, or I don't know. And there's still that skepticism today. There are some who I'm confident doubt whether or not a Muslim nation can self-govern.
We don't doubt that in America. You see, we understand liberty. Thankfully, my predecessors did not fall prey to pessimistic attitudes after World War II, because today Germany and Japan are allies in the war on terror. It came home to me very vividly when I was having dinner with Prime Minister Koizumi, who, by the way, loves Elvis— anyway—[ laughter ]. And so we were— guess what we were talking about? We were talking about how to keep the peace.
The Prime Minister of a former enemy is sitting down with the President of the United States talking about how to keep the peace. Had my predecessors fallen prey to the pessimism about the ability of liberty to change societies for the better, I don't know whether I'd have been having that discussion. It's really important for the families of the service men and women overseas to hear the message that the work that their loved ones are doing are essential to America's freedom and to peace, to long-term peace, because free societies are peaceful societies.
Free societies listen to the hopes and aspirations of the people. Societies which are not free are those which breed resentment and hatred, and it gets bottled up and sometimes it doesn't manifest itself overnight, but it will manifest itself.
And now it's manifesting itself in the form of terror. Now, let me—just one other thing I want to share with you, now that I got me going here. Anyway—[ laughter ]—not really. Anyway, the battle is a battle of ideology. Think about the Taliban. It's an ideology that is radical in nature, that doesn't believe in women's rights, human rights, human dissent, political dissent.
It's dim. It is backward. These people have hijacked a religion. I don't think they're religious people. I don't think you order suiciders to kill innocent men, women, and children if you're a religious person. I think your heart has been corroded. But that's the—and the alternative of that is freedom. That's the alternative, is a free society. Now, these radicals use terror as a weapon. They know our good hearts. They know America has a—a country of conscience.
We're really decent people, very loving people. And they know we hate the death of innocents. But that's why their terror tool is so effective, because they'll kill anybody, anytime. See, they're trying to shake our will. That's what they're trying to do. They're trying to drive us from the world because they want their dim vision of the world to spread. They don't know our country. We will not be intimidated by these types. We will do our duty. We will remember the lessons of the past.
And someday, an American President is going to be sitting down with a duly elected leader of Iraq talking about how to keep the peace. And they're going to say, "Thank God this generation didn't fold under pressure, had a clear vision. Thank you for coming to Wisconsin, Mr. And we know that you're in a tough race for reelection, very, very tough, and the future of America is at stake. What can all of us here do to help you and Dick Cheney be sure to be reelected?
Thank you very much. Listen, I'll tell you what you can do. We are in a tough race, and that's okay. I like to get out and campaign. I mean, I think a good, healthy debate about vision and philosophy is important. And I think it's important for people to get out— outside of Washington and ask for the vote. And that's what I'm doing now, and it's what I'm going to continue to do to election day. I've got the energy; I've got the drive; I've got the will to be your President.
And I need your help. And the help you can do is register people to vote. And don't be afraid to find discerning Democrats and independents. There's a difference of philosophy that is emerging. People see a clear difference—clear difference of attitude, clear difference of vision, clear difference of how to get there.
And register people. And then when we're coming down the stretch, get them to vote. Listen, the race in in Wisconsin was very close, if you really think about it. Not many votes per precinct separated me and my opponent. And so, obviously, the more people per precinct we get to the polls, the easier it is to carry the State of Wisconsin, which is a crucial battleground State.
It's a crucial State. I'm going to spend a lot of time here, thankfully. It's a good place to come. You touched on energy a little earlier in your speech, and I'm just wondering what your views are on renewable energy such as ethanol, biodiesel, wind power. Yes, I may—when I talked about alternative sources of energy, that's what I was referring to. As a matter of fact, it is a grand vision to think about a President saying—reading the corn harvest and saying, "Oh, they're up, and now we're less dependent on foreign sources of energy.
And I'm a believer in ethanol—said so in the campaign, and it's an integral part of the energy bill. And I'm for spending money on research and development for biomass, and it makes sense. And maybe someday, wind energy will be competitive. As a matter of fact, really what you're asking about is, can we—at least the way I put it is, can we manage our way through the short term until technology changes how we use energy?
And I think we're talking about maybe a decade. Remember, I put out the hydrogen fuel cell alternative, asked for Congress to spend money for research and development. Someday, American automobiles will be powered by hydrogen. And that's going to be a fantastic change, which will make us less dependent on foreign sources of energy.
We're in a transition period. Someday, hopefully, we'll find a better way to use nuclear power that people have confidence in. Someday, our clean coal technologies will give people more confidence in burning coal. In other words, we're making changes as to how we use energy and how we supply energy. And we're in a period of transition, and I believe technology is going to change.
And the fundamental question is, are we able to grow our economy until it does? And I think we can do so in a balanced way. But, no, I can't think of anything better for the future than to say, "Gosh, the corn crop is up, and now we have to buy less foreign sources of energy.
We import over 60 percent—or about something percent of our energy supplies. And that means we've got to have a short-term energy policy that makes sense until technology changes. And that's what you're seeing; you really are. You're seeing a changing world. And it's going to be an exciting time for people to be driving different kind of automobiles. It's just going to happen.
It's just a function of when. And our job is to speed up the "when" by research and development money. President, on behalf of the city of Fond du Lac, I'm the president of the city council——. We are totally honored to have you here today, and you're welcome back anytime you want to come. I thought it was going to be the classic, like, where's the key?
That's why I'm asking, you know? My question is, I'm a commercial lender for a bank in Oshkosh, and I see a lot of small-businesses' financials, and their biggest expense is the increase in insurance costs. Do you have anything in mind to reduce the medical insurance and other insurance costs going forward? Yes, I do. I mean, for example, you heard me explain the association health care plans. Now, what that means is, is that a company like Joe's can pool his risk with other like companies that exist in other States.
You can't do that now. Like, if you're a restaurant owner here at Fond du Lac and you have 20 employees, you're now going to the marketplace and you've got to buy insurance for your 20 employees. And therefore, you're not able to pool risk. In other words, the more people you can—you insure, the better premiums you get because you're spreading risk. And so we've got to let the restauranteur here or the Joes across the country pool risk.
In other words, they can lump together as an association and then go to the insurance company and say, "Look, we've now got not 20 employees, insure a million employees. You don't want that, believe me. Secondly, we've got what's called health savings accounts. These are all set up for small-business owners, by the way, to make a better deal for their employees. You put money in tax-free; you accumulate money in the account tax-free; you withdraw it tax-free—all to pay ongoing medical costs, ordinary medical costs and, as well, is you buy yourself a catastrophic plan.
So, in other words, on an annual basis, you're contributing tax-free or the company contributes for the employee, so the employee is the decisionmaker. It's in the employee's interest that they make wise decisions. In other words, you don't want to purchase too much health care. In other words if you go to the doctor here, doctor there, doctor—into the office—so you start asking questions, "Do I really need this?
And so the employee—the customer makes the decisions. The customer shops. And if you don't spend more than you put in, that's your money. You roll it over. So you've got catastrophic to take care of major medical expenses, and you've got tax incentives to encourage you to make the right decisions. Two other things I want to talk about. One of the things we've done is we've expanded what's called community health centers all across the country.
These are very—it's a wise use of taxpayers' money. It's like primary care facilities for people who can't afford insurance. It takes people out of the emergency rooms and puts them into a primary care facility so they get the help they need.
And the other thing is—that Tommy and I are working on is we're trying to modernize health care, which is going to save people a lot of money. This is now—still a system in which people carry paper files from one appointment to the next. Sometimes they literally don't carry them, but your files are on paper. And it leads to medical error when things are handwritten, particularly if a doc has handwritten it.
And yet, most businesses these days are able to put their files on the—use the Internet to be able to have better efficiency with their files and paperwork, better cost savings when it comes to recordkeeping. And so what Tommy and I are working on is what they call electronic medical records. Everybody is going to have an electronic medical record that you'll be able to carry with you, that you'll be able to send to whoever you want to send. It will cost—it will reduce cost in the health care system, and it will reduce errors in the health care system.
And it makes eminent sense for the health care industry to get into the 21st century. It's stuck in the past. So there are some—there are ways right there, practical ways to work on the cost of health care so that health care is more affordable to the small-business owners in America. And we're making progress. There's a battle in Washington; I readily concede it. And the battle is, do the consumers and docs make the decision, or does the Government make the decision? And it's a philosophical argument.
And you know where I come down. I'm on the side of the consumers and the marketplace for best controlling the cost of health care. Okay, let me stop you right there. I'm the first guy to ask for your vote. All right, so this will be my first time being—Presidential voting. And I was wondering, since everyone has the right to vote, do you think there should be something so that everybody has to vote, so then you get more of a majority?
Yes, no, I appreciate that. I just don't think it's going to work, you know—compulsory voting. I wish everybody would vote. But it's a right—it's a right. It's like the right to worship the way you want to worship. It's a right. I just don't think compulsory voting would work.
I'm not sure what the penalty is. I mean, it's—so, therefore, the thing we've got to do—thanks for bringing this up because it gives me a chance to remind people about their solemn duty, in my judgment, to go to the polls. Of course, I want everybody to be for me. I know it's not going to be the case, but I'm still urging people to vote. I want there to be widespread voter participation.
It is—here we are working in Afghanistan, convincing the people of Afghanistan to go vote; we ought to be doing the same thing in our own country. So I—both candidates—I'm confident my opponent is doing the same thing, and it's the right thing to do. Part of traveling the country is to say, "Listen, you have a duty. Get your neighbors to go vote. Please, go vote. And so thanks for bringing that up. But, no, I don't see how you can get compulsory voting because I'm not sure what the consequences.
Thank you for bringing that up. I tell you, if I knew, I wouldn't tell you. He's on the run. He is, best guess, in the remote regions of Pakistan or Afghanistan, up there in kind of the—in the mountainous regions there, best guess. I really don't know. I do know that the organization is—got the ability to kind of exist without his physical presence.
In other words, there's command—there's commanders that are able to rise up even though we may capture a previous commander. Khalid Sheik Mohammed no longer is—somebody took his place. They tend to be decentralized at times. This guy, Zarqawi, operating out of Iraq, we call him an affiliate of Al Qaida. We're not sure he has sworn allegiance to Al Qaida, but he gets instructions from Al Qaida.
They deal with Al Qaida. We've intercepted an e-mail, as you might remember, of Zarqawi to Al Qaida types in remote parts of Pakistan—I think it's where the e-mail came from. At any rate, it talked about how Zarqawi was to incite Shi'a-Sunni violence in Iraq so that a civil war would stop the advance of freedom.
In other words, there was a dialog between the two. My point to you is, is that there are these kind of loosely affiliated cells along with direct chains of command that we're dealing with all over the world. And we've got a lot of intelligence cooperation. I mean, in order—this is a—I remember after September the 11th, this is a different kind of war.
I remember specifically telling the country that. Sometimes you'll see action; sometimes you won't see action. It's a different kind of a contest. It requires good intelligence. Let me talk about our intelligence right quick. Listen, I thought we would find stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction because the Agency thought we would.
And we didn't. But what we have known and found is that Saddam Hussein had the capability of producing weapons. In other words, he had the capacity, and he was a sworn enemy. And so the fundamental—listen, I'm— I know we did the right thing. We did the right thing for our security for the country. But the question the country must ask is, how do we make sure we have the best intelligence possible?
That will be the next important discussion in Washington, DC. And I welcome it. Look, I want great intelligence. I can't do my job, we can't find people hiding in remote caves unless we've got good intelligence. That means more human intelligence; it means better electronic intelligence.
We want to be able to listen to people better. It means to make sure there's better coordination inside Washington. And I'm convinced that out of the recent investigations will come a better system so that this President and future Presidents will be able to do as good a job as we possibly can for the American people. Let me also remind you, however, that the CIA has had some great successes. Let me tell you one right quick, because I want the CIA agents who work for America to understand how much I appreciate their sacrifice and service and dedication.
Khan was a citizen of Pakistan who was a prominent scientist. Khan went in the business of selling secret nuclear information, know-how, processing, to countries like Libya, Iran, and North Korea, and we caught him. And we penetrated his network—we—these are brave citizens of the United States—penetrated his network and exposed it to the world.
And one of the great proliferators of weapon of mass destruction technology is no longer a threat to the United States and the free world. We've got some really good people working hard for the American people. Senator Kennedy's minimum wage increase amendment that he's proposing is detrimental to small business. As a family-owned small-business owner, labor costs is one of our most— it's our most detrimental cost.
And as labor costs go up, we are forced to cut jobs, raise prices, and it's a domino effect. I want to know your opinion on the minimum wage. My opinion is, is that I think there is a reasonable level to which we can raise the minimum wage and, at the same time, make sure small businesses are not penalized.
No, I understand what you're saying. It's very important that we have a wage policy which does not price people out of jobs. And so I'm confident that if there is a minimum wage increase, it will, one, be reasonable, and two, will make sure small businesses aren't hurt. President, I'd like to thank you for making this country stronger and making me a better dad in helping to support my family as well. You know what: I can't make you a better dad.
That's up to you. Thanks for saying that, but it's really your job. I'm executive director of a faith-based organization, and we direct—try to redirect the lives of delinquent and at-risk youth from the inner city. And we get a lot of young men from Milwaukee. I want to thank you for your efforts and leadership on faith-based organizations, but particularly, we have a dear gentleman in this country, a comedian, Bill Cosby, who has really taken some leadership interest and throwing some different punchlines towards the community and the inner city and looking at the social culture of our cities.
And as a compassionate conservative, I'd like to get your views and your vision on how to work with the social culture and lead that inner city into a brighter future. Yes, I think that, first of all, I believe that families are a very important part of a stable future.
And I believe that it's very important for Government to promote and stand on the side of families. You know, we're having a debate in Washington, and it needs to be a very sensitive, thoughtful debate as to the nature of family. I have made my position clear. I believe that a traditional marriage—marriage between a man and woman—is an important part of stable families.
I, again, to repeat, I want this debate to be a thoughtful debate. It needs to be a sensitive debate. But I feel strongly about what I just said. Secondly, the Government must work to strengthen family. Part of our welfare reform law was to encourage families to stay together. We put money aside—Tommy worked on this; it's a very important part of the law—to encourage people to stay together.
Part of a stable society anywhere, whether it be in rural America or inner-city America, is for families to stay together. Secondly, education. You know, a lot of inner-city schools are schools that, for some reason or another, quit on kids. They just shuffle them through. Maybe people said, "They're too hard to educate, therefore, let's just move them through. We believe in your talents. We're going to measure to determine whether or not you've got the skills necessary to read and write and add and subtract.
And if you don't, we'll correct them early. I think that's going to help make inner city a much more hopeful place, just like it will make rural America a much more hopeful place. Thirdly, many of the kids that you talk about need love. And I think it's the role of Government to encourage loving institutions to be more likely to interface with those who need help.
What the—let me just tell you what it means. It means we're opening up Federal monies to grants to faith-based institutions. There was an argument in our country that said we couldn't do that, see. We couldn't do that. It would blur the line of church and state. Listen, I strongly believe in the separation of church and state. The church shouldn't be the state, and the state shouldn't be the church.
On the other hand, I do think it's important for people in positions like I'm in to say, "Does the program work? They need love in their lives. That's an objective. And therefore, we ought to ask how best to achieve the objective. And if it's a faith-based program that is better able to do that objective, I don't see anything wrong with making Federal monies accessible to that faith-based program.
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